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The Reds, The Browns and the Greens or The Convergence of Totalitarianisms

by Alexandre Del Valle* [translated from the French by Erich von Abele] Since the instigation of the second Intifada al Aqsa, in September of 2000; since September 11, 2001, which marked the end of the inviolability of America’s strategic sanctuary; and, above all, since the second Iraqi crisis, which has resulted in the dismantling of the regime of Saddam Hussein, one has been able to note throughout the West the emergence of a Red-Green-Brown Axis (the Red of the extreme left, the Brown of the extreme right, and the Green of Islamism). The different components of this Axis have for a common objective the struggle against the new faces of Evil: America, Israel, “Imperialism”, and even the West in its entirety.

The objective alliances among these three ideologies, we will see, did not begin just yesterday. But it is undeniable that the events since the beginning of the new millennium have contributed particularly to their collusion. In effect, the use of the term “crusade” by George W. Bush on the day after September 11 has been seen as a provocation, as much among the anti-clerical extreme left and extreme right as it has among the Islamic milieus—whence the evermore revealing convergence among, on the one hand, those nostalgic for the first two totalitarianisms (the Browns and the Reds) and, on the other hand, the protagonists of revolutionary Islamism. These latter affect to defend the Arab masses who are “occupied” as much as the poor, the weak, and the “humiliated” of the Third World, the victims of the new Judeo-Christian “imperialist” Crusaders. The recent public standpoints expressed by the famous terrorist Carlos, among others, lead quite clearly in this direction (1). It is evident that Islamism, the third totalitarianism after Nazism and Communism, echoes to a definite extent the aspirations of its two predecessors: seizing the struggle of civilizations and religions, then declaring war on the Judeo-Christian world in the name of the “dispossessed” of the rest of the planet, Islamism seduces as much those nostalgic for the pagan Third Reich, resolved to eradicate Judaism and Christianity, as it does those partisans of the hammer and sickle, determined to come to blows with the “bourgeois” and “capitalist” West. The nerve center of this despised system: Manhattan, “the planetary district of mercenaries of the economic and financial war that America wreaks on the world”, according to the words of Carlos (2). It was no surprise, then, to see the Browns, the Reds and the Greens rejoice together at the tragedy of September 11, 2001, and to identify bin Laden as a new David against an imperial “American-Zionist” Goliath. It was no surprise, either, to witness the enthusiasm of these three totalitarian movements converge around the “heroic” struggle conducted since March 2003 by the remnant Baathist rebels and Islamist Shiites of Iraq against the American occupation of Mesopotamia. Evidently, this Red-Brown-Green Axis of “anti-hegemonic” and “anti-imperialistic” hatred was reinforced since the first years of the 1990s and the fall of the Soviet Union. This paradoxical and neo-totalitarian assemblage has seen its apogee on the day after September 11 and, above all, during the winter and spring of 2003, with the benefit of the vast campaign of anti-Americanism conducted in the Western world by the opponents of the war against the regime of Saddam. This junction of Red, Brown and Green totalitarianisms around the cause of Palestinian martyrs, Iraqis and Afghans, as much as the revolutionary figure of Usama bin Laden, confirms the leadership, henceforth uncontested, of revolutionary Islamism. From now on, this exerts a real fascination upon the other totalitarian options defeated by history (Nazism and Communism) and, consequently, condemned either to reconstitute themselves or to join the Islamist revolution in order to pursue their struggle against liberal democracies. From September 11 to the second Gulf War If one follows the Red thread from the opposition to “Yankee imperialism”, one sees that the anti-Zionist and anti-American milieus which had found extenuating circumstances in the commando of September 11 are those who try, today, to absolve Islamist terrorism—whether it pertains to the bin Ladenite movement across the globe or to Hamas and the Islamic Jihad in Palestine. Mesmerized by the collapse of the Twin Towers—a terrible illustration of the power of radical Islamism—, the Third Worldist and anti-imperialist ideologues of the extreme left, along with other “counter-globalists”, had been the most vehement to castigate the American intervention in Afghanistan. These were the ones again who, one year later, organized the most virulent “pacifist” displays against the intervention in Iraq, displays equally conducted in the name of the “victims of Zionism”. Thus Toni Negri, the ex-ideologue of the Red Brigades and leading figure of the No Global movement, declared, in September of 2001, that his compassion did not extent to anyone but to illegal immigrants who might have disappeared with the Twin Towers. The Trotskyite linguist Noam Chomsky, well known for his violently anti-Israeli positions, denounced, in the attack of September of 11, a “planetary imposture”, yet another fascisizing manifestation of “American imperialism”. Worse: he imputed “the anger of the Islamists” to the “racist” drift of the Hebrew state. As far as the editor-in-chief of Le Monde Diplomatique, Alain Gresh, son of the celebrated pro-Soviet intellectual Henri Curiel goes, he justified, in his book written with Tariq Ramadan, the grandson of the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, the terrorist option of Palestinians in the name of anti-Zionism and “anti-colonialism”. (3) Two recent, grave events merit particular attention: first of all, the exhortations of the new leaders of the Italian Red Brigades and of the famous “Red terrorist” Carlos to take up the fight of Hamas and al Qaeda; and then, the nearly unanimous appeal by Western neo-Nazi leaders to salute the “heroism” of Hezbollah and bin Laden in their struggle against the Jews and the Americans. The logical consequence of these parallel fascinations and alliances: Carlos embraces a “revolutionary Islamism destined to sweep the world,” an Islamism that “realizes the dynamic synthesis of different currents (the anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist and anti-Zionist struggle) and draws for its models of action upon socialism, Marxism and nationalism” (4); and, at the same time, the charismatic leader of the English neo-Nazi movement, David Myatt, now become Abdul Aziz ibn Myatt, appeals to those nostalgic Axis members and to all enemies of the Zionists, to embrace with him the Jihad, the “true martial religion” (5), which will most effectively fight against the Jews and the Americans. Another sign of this rapprochement: on April 3, 2003, the Salafist Londoner Omar Bakri Mohamed, leader of the movement al Mouhajiroun as well as being imam of the Finsbury Park mosque and a recruiter of a number of youths who went off to join al Qaeda, officially received Myatt and accorded him a “welcome into Islam”, specifying to journalists that the neo-Nazi past of this neophyte had “no special importance once their goals converged in common” (6)… Parallel to this, as the discourse of Marxist terrorists or of certain neo-Nazis becomes Islamified, so too the rhetoric of bin Laden, in particular, and of Islamists in general becomes “Marxized” and “Third Worldized” in its turn, and—uniquely, certainly, unto a tactical aim—borrows, more and more, from the anti-Semitic vulgate of the extreme right. Thus, in his declaration of February 11, 2003, not only did the head of al Qaeda seize on that bête noire of the extreme left which is “the American-Zionist imperialism in Palestine”, recalling the “martyrdom of Vietnam”, but he also for the first time authorized the faithful to ally themselves with an Arab regime that was “atheist” and nationalist: “Although Saddam Hussein is an infidel, it becomes permissible to unite our forces with his in order to combat the American crusade against Islam and the Muslims.” Saddam himself, that atheist and old “pagan” admirer of Nebuchadnezzar had not ceased, since the first Gulf War, to Islamicize his discourse and his regime. The culminating point of this posture: his declaration of March 4, 2003, in which he called for a “holy war against the United States, the diabolic invaders”, and a Jihad which would oppose “the righteous against the liars, the virtuous against the vicious, the honest against the traitors, the warriors of Jihad against the mercenaries and aggressors.” (7) Islamism: the most effective of the “anti-imperialist” and revolutionary ideologies From the outset, one asks oneself what could be able to unify movements as ideologically antagonistic as the Reds (atheists and materialists), the Greens (theocrats and Islamists), and the Browns (believers in the war of the races). To believe that such an alliance would be philosophically impossible and strategically improbable—and, therefore, from the get-go doomed to checkmate—would be to forget that Islamism is not only the third totalitarianism to come about, but is also equally, in a number of points, the inherited unifier of the two predecessors. Insofar as Islamism is not only simply a religious “fundamentalism”, but also and above all a subversive revolutionary totalitarianism, an ideology of mass destruction comparable to Nazism, Maoism or Stalinism, this “Green fascism” prolongs the anterior totalitarianisms. What distinguishes the Green version essentially is that it brings to the historical totalitarian hatreds a theological justification and a divine benediction. Whether it concerns the Lebanese Hezbollah, Palestinian Hamas, the al Qaeda combatants, or the Iraqi and Palestinian “resisters”, it must be recognized that in the marketplace of global revolution, the Islamists and the Arab-Muslim “mujahideen” in general are the most effective and ferocious adversaries of “Israeli-American imperialism”. They are the ones who are inflicting the most damage on the “colonialist” and “capitalist” powers—whom the Reds and the Browns detest above all. Being the third moment of totalitarianism, an avenging Islamism leading the assault on the capitalist democracies and the “Judeo-Crusader forces” knows now such an ascension throughout all corners of the globe and, in particular, in Europe—an ascension facilitated by the planetary and unprecedented mediatisation which it has enjoyed since the shock of September 11—that it has been attracting, like a magnet, the attentions of those nostalgic for the communist and Nazi totalitarianisms. Drawing at the same time from the vulgate of the extreme right and from an “Islamically correct” template that is pro-Arab and Third Worldist, this new revolutionary and planetary hatred henceforth seduces the latest anti-Jewish and anti-American militants of the extreme radical right. From the crooked cross to the Crescent The majority of the extreme right is clearly turned towards the Arab-Muslim world, conforming itself to the desire expressed by Hitler himself in his testament, in the name of the principle: “rather Islamic than Judeo-Mason” (8). It is therefore at the same time through fidelity to the Führer and by virtue of post-Cold War geopolitics, marked by the return of the civilizational paradigm, that the new extreme right, once viscerally pro-Western and anti-Communist, has tactically exchanged its Atlanticism for a “Third Worldism tinged with anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism” (9). This orientation gravitates naturally to the support of revolutionary Islamism. It is undeniable that the discourse of Alain de Benoist—leader of the Groupe de Réflexion et d'Études sur la Civilisation Européenne (GRECE), one of the more influential think-tanks of the pro-Islamist European extreme right—recalls strangely the rhetoric of the Italian Red Brigades (who have moreover always maintained bridges with the Browns (10)), underscoring an obsessive anti-Americanism that would not surprise the extreme left: “The military-industrial American complex, of which George W. Bush, that sociopath and notorious retard, is today the mouthpiece, has unilaterally mobilized against the nation and people of Iraq a war so dastardly and monstrous that nothing—save his will dominate the world—justifies it. Beginning this Tuesday, March 20, every act of reprisal in the world aimed against American interests as well as American military, political, diplomatic and administrative personnel, wherever it occurs, in whatever scope it represents, by whatever means and circumstances, is both legitimate and necessary.” (11) Speaking of strange politics, the denunciation of “imperialist” American wars against Iraq has become, since 1990, one of the leitmotifs of the anti-Zionist extreme right, in this position becoming linked with organizations of the extreme left. The Iraq of Saddam Hussein had, it is true, much about it to please the partisans of the three totalitarianisms: not only had this regime nearly realized a synthesis of the national-Bolshevik with the national-Socialist, but it found itself, moreover, at the point of war against the two demons fought in common by the Reds, the Browns and the Greens: Israel and the United States. The ideological pro-Iraqi line which almost all of the extreme right in Europe adopted has been shown by a series of demonstrations denouncing “American imperialism”, as well as by voyages of solidarity to Baghdad. The capture of the dictator profoundly deceived those who were opposed to the American intervention. His arrest, in effect, came [at the time] to contradict their thesis, repeated ad nauseam, of the “American quagmire” in Iraq. For the extreme right, the Age of Gold of the Brown-Green Axis harks back to the Second World War which saw an alliance between the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem and Hitler, then the establishment of pro-Nazi Arab and Balkan legions (Waffen SS composed of Croatian-Bosnian-Albanian Muslims along with Egyptian green-shirts, etc.). With reference to the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood, the Grand Mufti, Al Hajj Al Husseini, was at the origin, in 1942, of the creation of the Arab League, destined to pursue, alongside the forces of the Axis, the war against the Jews installed in Palestine. It is moreover in reference to the Grand Mufti that the English neo-Nazi leader David Myatt explains his conversion to Islam and his rallying to the cause of al Qaeda, recalling how “60,000 Muslims responded to the appeal of the Grand Mufti to join forces alongside Hitler.” (13) Three great historical figures of the alliance between the Swastika and the Crescent continue, to this day, to saturate the minds of those nostalgic for the Axis: Leon Degrelle, the leader of Rexism—a collaborationist Belgian movement—and a great crafter of rapprochement between Palestinian organizations and the neo-Nazi milieus between the years of 1950 to 1980; the famous Swiss banker François Genoud, testamentary legatee of Hitler and Goebbels, who consecrated the bulk of his post-Nazi life to financing terrorist and nationalist Arab movements (Nasserism, the Palestinian FPLP and OLP, the Algerian FLN, the Muslim Brotherhood, etc.) in their capacity as enemies of the Jews; and, finally, one of the major artisans of the “Islamonazi synthesis,” Johann Von Leers (14), Goebbel’s old right arm, responsible for anti-Semitic propaganda under the Third Reich. Become Omar Amin after having been recruited in Egypt by Nasser, who nominated him responsible for anti-Jewish propaganda in Cairo, Von Leers converted to Islam after his contact with the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood. His example continues to inspire an Islamophile and pro-Arab current of the extreme right. It is in his memory that one of the actual ringleaders of the new pro-Islamist European right, the Italian Claudio Mutti, has chosen for his name of conversion to Islam that of Omar Amin. Today still, these three symbols of Islamo-Nazi flirtation are referenced by young neo-Nazi militants who look in the Brown-Green alliance toward the “sole chance of survival for an Aryan Europe” in the face of the danger represented by the “Western plutocracies” and by the “Judeo-Mason conspiracy”. It is equally in memory of the Islamo-Nazi synthesis of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem that European or American neo-Nazi groups salute the anti-Jewish action of Hezbollah or Hamas and the warrior force of bin Laden. Thus, in the May-June 2002 issue of their review, Jusqu'à nouvel Ordre, the militants of GUD—who regularly visit Tripoli and Damas by the invitation of the revisionist General Mustapha Tlass, Minister of Defense and local editor of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion—boast of the alliance between the Crescent and the Swastika since the epoch of the Grand Mufti up to today. Islamism and Nazism—which, let us not forget, refers itself to German paganism—commune together in fact under the same detestation of the Judeo-Christian heritage of the West. “Our enemies consist of the imperialist American-Zionist coalition. It is therefore just that we support those who have the same enemies as us, namely, the Palestinians and the Iraqi and Libyan governments. The Islamists represent a multiform force able to be an ally against American-Zionist imperialism” (15), explains one of the ideologues of this movement, Christian Bouchet, the redactor-in-chief of Lutte du Peuple, a review which expresses its solidarity as much with the “martyrs” of the Third Reich as with those of the Islamic Jihad and Hamas. “Europe and Islam have in common their principal enemy..., the usurocratic Finance. If she wishes to recover her autonomy, Europe ought to look for her inspiration and guide in the divine Law, that which has been conserved in the book of Allah” (16), says the fascist Italian convert to Islam Claudio Mutti, alias Omar Amin. While another thinker of the new European Right, Arnaud Galtieri (disciple of the philosopher of the extreme right converted to Islam, René Guénon), clearly states: “Let us assist the ongoing progression of the only force capable of resisting the Western hegemony: radical Islamism. Two visions of the world confront each other. One must choose sides. On one side, a liberal-consumerist vision… On the other, a religious, traditionalist and holistic vision: Islam… There is therefore a real Jihad to which Europeans and Muslims are invited. Europe-Islam, the one and the same fight” (17). Proof of the European and trans-national dimension of the new pro-Islamist dimension of the extreme right (18) is in London, where one of the principal centers of Islamist proselytism, the Islamic Council of Defense of Europe, is based. Old neo-Nazi militants animate this institution. At its head, one finds Tahir de la Nive, a Franco-British convert to Islam who, imitating David Myatt, extols the general Islamization of Europe as the sole “remedy for decadence and American-Zionist imperialism” (19). Quite respected among the “national-revolutionary” milieus, among skinheads and in the heart of the New Right, Mr. de la Nive, an old mujahid who had gone off to fight the Soviet “infidels” in the 1980s, advocates a kind of “European Islamic nationalism” and publishes a bilingual French-English review, Centurio, which “treats of the military problems in the framework of Islamic philosophy and war”. In a recent work prefaced by Omar Amin and Christian Bouchet, Les Croisés de l'Oncle Sam [The Crusades of Uncle Sam], this Brown-Green ideologue calls on all neo-Nazi militants to join revolutionary Islam and denounce every form of compromise with the “diabolic” forces of American-Israeli imperialism. Other central figures of English fascism, the directors of the World Union of Socialists—Colin Jordan, the “Führer” of the English National Socialist Movement (NSM), and John Tyndall—have since 1988 been maintaining contacts with Palestinian terrorist milieus as well as with the regime of Muammar Kadhafy. On his side, the head of the English Nationalist Movement, Troy Southgate, has declared in the columns of the Franco-English national-revolutionary journal W.O.T.A.N. (Will of the Aryan Nations): “In Palestine, the cruelty of Zionism is evident and we cannot but sympathize with the Palestinian people who, just as ourselves, have seen their land soiled and despoiled by the ignoble parasite which is international Jewry. The ENM salutes Hamas and totally supports the armed struggle against those who have viciously attacked the ancestral heritage of an entire nation” (20). The cases of European fascist militants converted to Islam and allied with terrorist organization are numerous. Besides David Myatt and Tahir de la Nive in the United Kingdom, who have put their martial experience in the service of the Jihad (21), one can cite the case of Alessandro Karim Abdul Ghé (22), a veteran of the group Ordine Nuovo—the Italian fascist equivalent of the Ordre Nouveau in France—responsible for many attacks in Italy between 1969 and 1973. A disciple of the fascist leader Franco Fredda, Karim Abdul Ghé is a shareholder of Al Taqwa, an Islamist holding company based in Lugano and accused after September 11 by the American State Department of having financed bin Laden’s organization. Other shareholders and council members of the administration of Al Taqwa: the Italian convert Sante Cicarello, director of the Union of Italian Islamic Communities, and Ahmed Huber. This Swiss neo-Nazi ex-journalist converted to Islam is one of the most active partisans of the Brown-Green rapprochement. Huber has visited Teheran numerous times during the time of the Ayatollah Khomenei, and he has maintained very good relations with the Iranian government (a number of Nazis saw in the Iranians the descendants of the ancient “Aryans”). His cassettes and political discourses have been disseminated and sold on the Internet, notably on Brown-Green sites such as Radio Islam or Aaargh. The Red and the Green The alliance between radical Islamism and the extreme left, on its part, was set in place around the Third Worldist and revolutionary project of the Tricontinental and in the support for the “Palestinian resistance” during the years 1970-80. In the context of the Cold War and, above all, from the time of the accession of Andropov as head of the USSR, the aim of the Tricontinental was to unite, around the Soviet Union, the Marxist revolutionary forces and all anti-Western tendencies and forces of the Third World, particularly those of the Arab world. This new East-South cooperation, via Cuba, would be the raw material of the Islamo-Marxist alliance, which did not cease to augment itself up to the time of the launching of the Al Aqsa Intifada, the American operation in Afghanistan, and the second Gulf War—key moments in the reactivation of the Red-Green Axis. From a doctrinal point of view, it is true that Islamism and Communism partake of the same conquering universalism and the same “messianism for the poor”: “Bolshevism combines the characteristics of the French Revolution with those of the rise of Islam. Islam and Bolshevism have a practical, social and material telos whose sole goal is to extend their domination over the world”, wrote Bertrand Russell (23). The Golden Age of the Islamo-Leftist alliance would be incarnated by the Palestinian training camps of Libya (Bir Hassan, Tall al Zaatar, etc., in which volunteers from among the “Damnés” [the Palestinian “victims” of Israeli “occupation”] from the Left Bank instruct future Islamists of the Amal movement and Iranian revolutionaries), and by the Islamic Iranian revolution, saluted at one time by the entire Western Left. The Red-Green flirtation was, in effect, particularly stimulated at the debut of that revolution of the Mullahs: it was the Imam Ali Shariati—translator of the revolutionary ideologue Frantz Fanon, admired by Jean Paul Sartre—who brought to Khomeini in 1978 a Socialist-Islamist synthesis from which would arise the symbolic victory of the Ayatollah: he would be, in effect, supported in his enterprise by the Iranian extreme left. It is also due to Shariati that the Fanonian idea of “the oppressed” became Islamicized into mustadhafines (the “disinherited”). The Feddayins of the people, by inspiration Guevarist as Mujahideens of the people—a radical movement explicitly “Islamo-Marxist” whose members, persecuted in Iran, found refuge in Saddam Hussein’s Iraq—were inspired by these ideas. The Red-Green convergences explain why intellectuals of such renown as the philosophers Michel Foucault, Simone de Beauvoir, or Jean-Paul Sartre had wished to see in the Islamic revolution of Khomeini a “divine surprise which reminds us of something that the West has forgotten, namely, the possibility of a political spirituality” (Foucault, Corriere della sera, October 1978). Jacques Madaule described the Khomeinist revolution as “a clamor coming” from the depths of time from a people who refuse once and for all servitude and the chains that a stranger puts on them.” From the conversion of the ex-Marxist Roger Garaudy, to the new Islamist revolutionary struggle proposed by Carlos, the Islamo-Communist links are many, with (as in the case of the bond between Islamism and the extreme right) the hyphenated anti-Zionism and anti-Americanism. Coupled with the media-saturated Israeli-Palestinian conflict—to the detriment of so many other conflicts in the world—, this anti-American and anti-Zionist attitude, to which the Anglo-American war against Saddam and the American support for Sharon have given a new vigor, found itself at the origin of a new surge of anti-Western radicalism which tends to justify the terrorist option in the face of “American imperialism” or against “Israeli fascism”. In the name of the syllogism according to which America and Israel incarnate “absolute Evil” of which the Arab-Muslim peoples of the Third World are “essential victims”, it is at last the anti-Western and anti-Zionist Islamism which appears, in the eyes of the Red champions of the Palestinian and Third Worldist causes, to be like a new “anti-imperialist path” par excellence. Whence the appeal by certain of their number to support the Taliban, the Hezbollah or al Qaeda, an appeal relayed by a number of revolutionary and terrorist groups of the extreme left: from the Japanese Red Army (which has known more and more converts to Islam) to the Red Brigades of Italy by way of the nebula of Carlos. In his recent publication of interviews, the famous pro-Palestinian terrorist explains that “Islam has acquired an irreversible political and revolutionary dimension which, since the dissolution of the Socialist camp, has become the principal force of active transformation for societies and for the anti-imperialist struggle” (24). Already, a little after the anti-American attacks perpetrated in 1998 by al Qaeda in Africa, Ilich Ramirez Sanchez [aka Carlos the Jackal] declared in the journal Jeune Afrique: “The imperialist aggression tries to suppress the expansion of Islam… by attacking Osama bin Laden and trying to decapitate the Wahhabi renewal. But this is at the point of sweeping away the usurpers of Nejd and of the Hejaz and liberating the Holy Places… and Palestine. The attacks [of al Qaeda] are in historical continuity with our own, commenced a quarter of a century ago on earth, sea and in the air against the Zionists” (25). As far as the Italian Red Brigades, re-appearing in these latter years on the other side of the Alps under the names of Parti Communiste Combattant (BR-PCC) and Nuclei Territoriali Anti-imperialisti (NTA), they have equally created some surprise in appealing to revolutionaries of the entire world to join Islamist terrorism, saluting “the heroic action of al Qaeda against American imperialism”. In a document of March of 2003 which claims responsibility for the assassination of the advisor to the Minister of Labor Massimo D’Antona, Nadia Desdemona Lioce, one of the brains of the organization, invites in the purest Marxist style the “Arab and Islamic masses who are expropriated and humiliated, natural allies of the metropolitan proletarian” to “take up arms at the heart of a unique and international axis at the side of the anti-imperialist Front Combattant in the face of a new offensive by bourgeois governments” (26). Desdemone Lioce goes on to draw “politico-military” conclusions from “the Zionisto-American aggression against Iraq” (27) in which she sees “an imperialist will to cut down the principal obstacle to the Zionist hegemony” and “to annihilate the Palestinian resistance”. Since they have taken the part of the Taliban and al Qaeda, the Red Brigades have not ceased to show solidarity with the fundamentalists of Islam while, during the war against the regime of Saddam, they have appealed to “counter by all means the Israeli-Anglo-American aims”. In France, after the dismantling of the Chalabi network in 1995—one of the most important Islamist Algerian networks in the Parisian region—, it was already discovered that one of the instructors of the group, Rémy Pouthon, alias "Youssef", was a veteran of the Italian Red Brigades converted to the Salafist Islam of the GIA. From the Reds-Greens to the Anti-Globalists Although the principal parties of the great anti-globalist organizations have often denounced Islamist fundamentalism, pro-Islamist opinions are currently more and more often expressed in the midst of the Trotskyite nebula. Example: the position defended by Luiza Toscane, commentator for Comité concerning liberties and human rights in Tunisia, who explains, in Rouge, the weekly of the LCR, that “one should not vainly condemn Islam, since Islamism contests the domination of the North on the military, cultural and ideological levels” (28). The Socialism movement at bottom is, for its part, clearly partisan for the Islamist option. In his text The Prophet and the Proletariat, Chris Harman, director of the English parent-establishment of that network, the Socialist Workers’ Party, tries to absolve the “mass Islamist movements in Algeria or in Egypt”, arguing that they are not “mainly directed against workers’ organizations and do not offer their services to the dominant portions of capital” (29). Since the first Gulf War, the denunciation of George W. Bush’s campaign against the “Axis of Evil”, coupled with the “martyr” theme of the Palestinians, has become one of the principal pivots around which turns the Red-Brown-Green Axis. Already, in 2001, in Paris, after the anti-American demonstrations provoked by the anti-terrorist operation in Afghanistan, the militants of the extreme left expressed their rejection of “American imperialism” in stressing “Neither Bush nor Sharon”. Since the instigation of the second Al Aqsa Intifada in 2000, Western Europe has passively assisted in the erection of a new form of re-Islamicized anti-Semitism, under cover of anti-Zionism and the struggle against the “Zionist racism and fascism of Sharon” (30). Thus it is that the disquieting spectacle of young Muslims fanaticized against Israel and the Jews, publicly crying out “Death to Jews” during “anti-Zionist” demonstrations at the side of pro-Palestinian organizations of the extreme left, has now become banal (31). Similar appeals to murder reappeared during the entire winter of 2002-2003 at the time of demonstrations “for peace in Iraq”, punctuated by pro-Palestinian slogans emphasized by participants holding up portraits of Saddam Hussein, flags of Hezbollah, and even tee-shirts sporting the effigy of bin Laden. The demonstrations of anti-American and anti-Israeli hate organized by the “No Global” people connect often with those of the Trotskyite movements and of the extreme left—organizations with which the anti-Globalist nebula remains structurally linked. They converge in the same Americanophobic and Israelophobic radicalism expressed in a recurrent fashion by media personalities like José Bové, the vandalizer of McDonald’s and smasher of the American “malbouffe”, or again the Portuguese Nobel prize-winner in literature, José Saramago, the American economist Jeremy Rifkin, the Egyptian economist Samir Amin, and the Canadian writer Naomi Klein, whose work No Logo constitutes one of the reference texts of the movement. The anti-Globalist movement is composed of many different tendencies which in general invokes the radical left. One there finds as much the Brazilian “sem-terra” Joâo Pedro Stedile as the American linguist Noam Chomsky or even the American “primitivist” John Zerzan. Four grand tendencies can be distinguished at the heart of the No Globals: — anarchists, the “homeless”, the “landless”, and the “indigenists”, all of whom often refer themselves to the emblematic figure of the Zapatista “subcommandant” Marcos; — the ONG ecologists or “environmentalists” (Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth, World Wide Foundation), and the associations of the struggle against financial speculation (such as ATTAC, an outgrowth, among other reviews and syndicates of the extreme left, of the Monde Diplomatique); — the progressive religious milieus inspired by the Liberation Theology of Leonardo Boff and Frei Betto, as well as the anti-Zionist Catholic movements represented by Emmaüs (the organization of the Abbot Pierre) or the journal Témoignage Chrétien; — the Trotskyite organizations and the libertarians of the extreme left. Thus the explanation for the fact that Toni Negri, ex-ideologue of the Red Brigades, is one of the leaders of No Global. After the counter-summits of Seattle, Göteborg and Davos, it was at Genoa in July of 2001 that the anti-Globalist movement benefited from the most intense mobilization, the right-wing government formed by Silvio Berlusconi in March 2001 having been chosen as a kind of privileged target because of his pro-Americanism and the alliance of Berlusconi’s party, Forza Italia, with the National Alliance of Gianfranco Fini. In December of 2002 the European Social Forum (FSE) of Florence succeeded in putting on an imposing anti-American demonstration “for peace” to which were joined the majority of extreme left organizations, from the Italian General Confederation to the powerful Legambiente. Everywhere the effigy of Che Guevara was brandished, that symbol of armed struggle in 1960, who had now become, astonishingly, transformed into a “hero of Peace”. A similar alliance could be seen on the side of the Greek Social Forum, formed in 2002 and present at the Florence Forum. There, it was on the side of the Left Coalition and of Progress (Synaspimos), inheritor of a schism of the Communist Party (KKE), by which the Greek anti-Globalists have reunified, in the context of a grand union of anti-Americanism, the various protesting movements issuing as much from the “anti-racist”, feminist and ecologist ranks as from the syndical front Pame. More recently, it has been the Egypto-Swiss Islamist Tariq Ramadan, charismatic figure of the Muslim Brotherhood in Europe, who has attempted an entry into the interior of the European No Global movement (32). Negationism, anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism: the three pivots of the European Red-Brown-Green Axis Certainly, at the start, these two paradoxical alliances—Red-Green and Brown-Green—were totally independent. But they have ended by evolving toward a Red-Brown-Green triptych which associates two transversal questions: Palestinianism and Negationism. By itself, this current of radical thought—which consists in delegitimizing the state of Israel and accusing the “Zionists” of having invented the gas chambers in order to accelerate the creation of the Jewish State—incarnates the Red-Brown-Green Axis and assembles the most diverse protagonists. It was initiated in the 1950s in Egypt by the neo-Muslim nazi dignitary Johann von Leers, then passed on to France by the neo-fascist review of Maurice Bardèche, Défense de l'Occident (33), and then revamped throughout Europe (particularly in France and in Italy) by the Trotskyite and Maoist ultra-left (Vieille Taupe in France, and the Bordighist movement in Italy)—the aim being, for the leftists, to move anti-fascism to the background in order to be able to concentrate their attacks on the “capitalist bourgeois State” and “American imperialism”. The negationist theses would be recuperated by the extreme right during the years 1980-90 and, finally, by the radical Islamist nebula, always in the name of the sacrosanct Palestinian cause. The French revisionist editor Pierre Guillaume, one of the figures of the Brown-Green rapprochement, who boasts to have maintained cordial relations with Carlos, has not ceased to cement the bonds with radical Islamist milieus. Incarcerated in the prison de la Santé in Paris, where Guillaume has given him access to his review, the South American terrorist has moreover congratulated the editor for his “anti-Zionist” activism. The long friendship which bound Carlos to the Nazi banker François Genoud will also be recalled (34). The central role of Roger Garaudy In Sweden, the Red-Brown-Green alliance is incarnated by the organization of the Moroccan Islamist opponent, Ahmed Rami, president of the Swedish Islamic Union. Director of studies of the Islamist-Negationist connection in Europe, Ahmed Rami has published the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and has developed the idea according to which “Islam finds itself actually on the front line of the resistance against the Jewish domination and can today supply responses to the problems posed by the bankruptcy of the Western Jewish hegemony” (35). On Rami’s website, Radio Islam, the revisionists Serge Thion and Robert Faurisson hold regular forums in which they eulogize the terrorist group Islamic Jihad. Ahmed Rami collaborates equally with Ernest Zündel (36), the ringleader of the neo-Nazi negationist movement in Canada, as well as with the revisionist Ditlieb Felderer in Sweden, member of Congress in Malmö (37). In rhetoric borrowed from the extreme left, Rami explains that “the West has no interest in supporting Israel, which constitutes the last archaic colonialism and the last apartheid. The unnatural support of the West for Israel is proof of the illegitimate power of the Zionist mafia which decides the domestic and foreign policies of all the Western nations” (38). And Rami cites Roger (“Rajah”) Garaudy as a supreme reference of the “Western resistance”. This famous ex-Communist philosopher and convert to Islam since the 1980s has enjoyed a considerable role in the Red-Brown-Green rapprochement. His negationist, anti-Zionist and Americanophobic writings have united personalities as initially opposed as the revisionists Serge Thion and Robert Faurisson (from the ranks of the extreme left before being rehabilitated by the extreme right and the Islamists), the “National-Bolshevik” militants as well as neo-Nazis and radical anti-Zionists of the Trotskyite, Maoist and Bordighist ultra-left (39). A recent leading figure of negationism, Garaudy, director of an organization called Retour à l'islam, has received enthusiastic support in the Arab-Muslim world (which has also been the case with other negationists, such as Robert Faurisson (40)). Banned in numerous Western countries, his work Les Mythes fondateurs de la politique israélienne is disseminated all over Muslim lands: with hundreds of thousands of copies sold, Les Mythes fondateurs is a best-seller in the Arab world. Not surprising, from this, is that Garaudy had been received as a hero at the International Book Fair of Cairo on February 15, 1998. He profited from this occasion to denounce before hundreds of intellectuals “the Zionist power that controls 95% of Western media” (41). During his trial in February of 1998 (at the conclusion of which he was condemned to nine months of prison with deferment and a fine of 160,000 francs for dispute of crimes against humanity and racial defamation) he received the support not only of militants from the extreme left and neo-nazi activist revisionists, but also from dozens of Islamist and Arab intellectuals and journalists. Iranian clerics became indignant that one could simultaneously drag the “poor Muslim philosopher Roger Garaudy” to justice and protest against the fatwa directed against the author of the Satanic Verses (42). The syndicate of Egyptian journalists officially took over the defense of Garaudy in declaring that he was being “judged according to an anti-democratic law [the Gayssot law] which interdicts the liberty of research on certain aspects of the history of the Second World War” (43). From the most secular Muslim countries to the most fundamentalist Islamic republics or monarchies, the craze for the negationist theses of Garaudy—which go to reinforce the pro-Palestinian propaganda in full radicalized form—is immense. Recipient in 1985 of the Islamic Faycal Prize awarded by the Saudi king in gratitude for his efforts in favor of Islam, Garaudy was enthroned as the new herald of the anti-Zionist cause (44). A communist philosopher become Muslim and adulated by the extreme right, Roger Garaudy embodies the revisionist pivot around which converge the three totalitarianisms, Red, Brown and Green, in the name of identical detestations and obsessive hatreds. It is a neo-totalitarian convergence all the more disquieting because of the moral, philosophical and even ecclesiastical blessings given Garaudy by such “progressive authorities” as Noam Chomsky, the Abbot Pierre, José Bové, or Tariq Ramadan: all these personalities have defended the author of Les Mythes fondateurs, each in his fashion, in samizdats, colloquiums, Internet sites, appeals of support, defense committees, etc. The Russian case: an uninhibited Red-Brown-Green alliance In Russia, one of the principal Islamist movements, the Party of Islamic Renaissance (PRI) of Gueïdar Djemal, draw equally close to revisionist, ultra-nationalist, anti-American and anti-Zionist milieus that qualify themselves as “Browns-Reds”: its concern is principally the movement of Edouard Limonov (45), ringleader of the National-Bolshevik Party, as well as the Front of Russian Salvation (Sobor), a “national-communist bloc” reuniting ultra-nationalists of the extreme right and those nostalgic for Soviet communism whose representative is general Alexandre Sterligov. This explains how it is that Gueïdar Djemal, while being a public radical Islamist, has at his disposal a regular platform in the columns of the ultra-nationalist Russian journal Zavtra, himself influenced by Eurasian and national-Bolshevik theses (46)… An essential component of the Red-Brown-Green puzzle: the neo-communists, ultra-nationalists and anti-Westerners of Guennadi Ziouganov, the head of PC who claims expertise in geopolitics and does not hesitate to propose an alliance with radical Islamism (47). The Eurasian school, adhered to by Djemal, Ziouganov and other “Red-Brown” Russians, considers that “fundamentalist Islam, with its anti-materialism, its rejection of the banking system, of international usury and of the system of the liberal economy, is an ally. The sole geopolitical enemies of the Russians and the Muslims is the United States and its liberal, cosmopolitan, anti-religious, anti-traditional system” (48)—so writes one of the ideologues of this movement, the geopolitician Alexander Douguine (49), president of the movement Evrazija and of the Association of Geopolitical Studies, and who edits the review Elementy, modeled after that of the European New Right of Alain de Benoist, Eléments. In the fashion of Nazi ideologues Claudio Mutti or David Myatt, Geïdar Djemal explains that Islam is the only solution which would permit Russia “to arrest the process of national decadence provoked by Western imperialism”. Ferociously anti-Zionist and anti-Semitic, Gueïdar Djemal salutes Hezbollah, Hamas, the Japanese Red Army, the IRA, Direct Action and Carlos—“not any compromise” being according to him possible with the “terrorist” state of Israel. For him, “the Holocaust was nothing but a weapon used by the world order seeking to crush the only real opposition to Zionism, that is Islam” (50). It is by this same perspective that on November 2, 2001 there was organized on Pushkin Square in Moscow a “Russo-Islamic Green-Red” demonstration against the bombing of Afghanistan by the United States. Among the political forces present: the Movement of the Russian Left (Marxist-Leninist, anti-American and Third Worldist), the “anti-Globalists” of Boris Kagarlitsky, the national-Bolshevist, and the PRI of Djemal. With cries of “don’t touch Islam!”, the protestors saluted the presence of the Mufti Nagigoula Achirov, head of the Spiritual Direction (DSM) of Asiatic Russia, as well as that of the Mufti of the Muslims of Orenburg, Islamïl Shangarïev. In his discourse, Gueïdar Djemal recalls that the Ayatollah Khomeini had overturned the Shah of Iran thanks to the alliance between the Shiite Islamists and the Communists, that Hezbollah was allied with FDLP in the face of the “Israeli metastases”, and that a number of Taliban leaders had once, long ago, belonged to Marxist military units. And naturally, during the winter of 2002-2003, the Red-Brown-Green Russians organized other anti-American demonstrations in the course of which “Zionist traditionalists” such as Paul Wolfowitz were accused of being responsible for the “criminal” politics conducted by George W. Bush. A rhetoric in the process of banalization In that which concerns the extreme right, its anti-American and pro-Arab position has been adopted with a double goal: to enlarge its numbers by appearing to be “anti-racist”—because pro-Arab—all the while recycling anti-Semitism (always an electoral persuader) not through an explicit Judeophobic rhetoric but rather via a wholly progressive “solidarity” with regard to the Arab-Muslim “victims” of the “intrigues of the Jews”. As far as the parties of the extreme left, the anti-Globalist movements, and the anti-imperialist left in general, they seemed to have exchanged their traditional militant anti-clericalism and atheism for a pro-Islamic communitarianism which betrays their wish to gain new “proletarian” and “disinherited” electorates coming from the Third World, at a period in time when orthodox Marxism, defeated by History, has less appeal. This reorientation is favored by the global geopolitical context which reveals Arab nationalism—once allied with the USSR—to be rehabilitated by a trans-national revolutionary Islamism (which is only but an Islamicized version of the Marxist revolutionary Internationalism). Once again, the terrorist and Marxist-revolutionary ideologue par excellence, Carlos, expresses perfectly this mutation: “Osama bin Laden, in standing up to the imperialist Yankees, has become the hero of all the oppressed, whether they be Muslims or not (…) Today, a new internationalism becomes the obligation of all men, powerfully unifying, which fuses the moral ideal and the sacred dimension with the conceptual and theoretical architecture of the social revolutionary movement (…)” (51). The two Anglo-American wars against the regime of Saddam; the politics pursued by Ariel Sharon with the support of Washington; the vast operation of reprisals following September 11 and ending with the defeat of the Taliban: these different episodes of the post-Cold War era have not ceased to crystallize the anti-American and “revolutionary” resentments of every stripe, from the “anti-imperialists” of the extreme left to the anti-Zionists of the extreme right, by way of the indefinable “No Globals”, attackers of “American unilateralism”. Astonishingly, the anti-American and anti-war mobilization had been much less rallied after the war in Kosovo, the 1999 operation perhaps comparable in many respects with the anti-Saddam operation of 2003. In France for example, only the extreme right, the extreme left, the sovereigntists, independent intellectuals, and some ultra-pacifists had criticized the intervention of the NATO conducted without the endorsement of the UN; as far as the masses of youths and moderate parties, they remained mute, if they did not frankly taken a position in favor of the war. In the light of our overall adumbration which brings in relief the particular force of attraction of the disputes founded on Islamic legitimacy and Arab-Palestinian victimology, it is not surprising that Afghani, Iraqi and Palestinian victims of the American and Israeli Satans stir up more compassion than do the Yugoslavian victims of Washingtonian diplomacy. The Serbs—in contrast with the Bosnian Muslims—are much too similar to Western Judeo-Christians to excite the compassion of the new Third Worldists. The occasion of an unhoped-for victory for the Reds, the Browns and the Greens, the Iraqi crisis has allowed for regilding the blazon of the most bellicose anti-Zionist and anti-American postures, to democratize and even to render respectable the most extreme positions. It has restored, directly or indirectly, a new popular and media legitimacy to old totalitarian rancours. One can also take seriously the bill of health issued from his prison cell by Ilich Ramirez Sanchez: the ideal anti-imperialist revolutionary is not dead. Beyond even the Red-Brown-Green totalitarian mergers, it penetrates now the arena, once recalcitrant, of the politically correct and the traditional-minded. The most outrageous anti-Westernism is now banalized, tolerated, even often accepted from the moment it devolves rhetorically into defensive anti-Americanism and anti-Zionism. If any proof be wanting, we had the declarations not too long ago of the Malaysian leader Mahathir Mohamad—however much a reputed enemy of the Islamists—in which he expressed his desire for a kind of anti-Western Islamic revolution and denounced the “global Judeo-Masonic conspiracy”; and here’s the shocking manifestation of the banalization I have been referring to: certain Western heads of state present at the time of that Summit of the OCI [Organization of the Islamic Conference] of Putrajayal of October 19, 2003, did not even think to be indignant (52)! A veritable geopolitical and civilizational bomb that runs the risk of setting the world on fire and invigorating the clash of civilizations between Islam and the West which the Reds, the Browns and the Greens look forward to in order to achieve their respective revolutions, Iraq has become the latest destination of the Jihad of the Islamists of the entire world (veterans of Afghanistan, Chechnya, Bosnia, Arab mujahideens, etc.). More than ever, Westerners ought to show themselves determined and unified to stand up to the new offensive of al Qaeda and to re-establish peace and stability as much in Iraq as in the occupied territories (for “the road to Baghdad passes through Jerusalem”, according to an Arab saying). The terrible anti-Jewish and anti-British attacks perpetrated in Istanbul on November 15 and 20 of 2003 served as bloody warnings to the West: the recent doubling back of assaults by al Qaeda towards Iraq—a frontier of Turkey, itself a candidate for entry in the European Union—signifies that the Islamist terrorists seek to besiege the soft Mediterranean underbelly and to profit from the receptivity to their propaganda of a re-Islamicized Turkey. The Europeans can no longer permit themselves to conduct the policy of the ostrich: the danger has never been so urgent. Alexandre Del Valle (1) See his book of interviews: Carlos, L'Islam révolutionnaire [Revolutionary Islam], textes et propos présentés par Jean Michel Vernochet, Éditions du Rocher, Paris, 2003. (2) Carlos, op. cit, p. 96. (3) Alain Gresh, Tariq Ramadan, L'Islam en questions, Sindbad-Actes Sud, 2000, p. 29. (4) Carlos, in Jean Michel Vernochet, op. cit., p. 91. (5) See the webpage of David Myatt: (6) Amardeep Bassey, "Midland Nazi turns to Islam", February 16, 2003, IC Birmingham. Icnetwork. (7) Le Monde, March 6, 2003. (8) Adolf Hitler declared in his “Testament”, reported by Martin Bormann: “All of Islam vibrates at the announcement of our victories. […]. What can we do to help them […], how can it be to our interest and our duty? The presence next to us of the Italians […] creates a malaise among our friends of Islam, […] it hinders us from playing one of our better cards: to support the countries oppressed by the British. Such a policy would excite enthusiasm throughout Islam. It is, in effect, a particularity of the Muslim world that what touches one, whether all the others feel good or ill . […] The people ruled by Islam will always be nearer to us than France, in spite of the kinship of blood”… Testament of Hitler, Headquarters of the Führer, February 4 to April 2, 1945, preface by François Genoud. (9) Christophe Bourseiller, La nouvelle extrême droite [The New Extreme Right], Éditions du Rocher, p. III. (10) Christophe Bourseiller recalls that “one of the historical leaders of the terrorist movement the Italian Red Brigades, Renato Curcio, has started off his political career in the movement Jeune Europe”, linked with GRECE. The New Extreme Right, op. cit., p. 115 (11) Communication disseminated to members of GRECE by Alain de Benoist, president of this same group, on March 20, 2003. (12) Let us cite the voyage of members of the Association SOS Enfants d’Irak, directed by Jany Le Pen, wife of the president of the French National Front (February 2, 2003). This pilgrimage followed closely the one organized by the initiative of the Association des amitiés franco-irakiennes, directed by the radical sovereigntist writer Philippe de Saint-Robert and neo-fascist activist Gilles Munier (January 12, 2003). Entitled “a plane for Iraq”, the operation was organized in cooperation with the ONG Enfants du Monde. Gilles Munier has promised the translation in France of the first “literary work” of Saddam Hussein, Zoubeida et le roi [Zoubeida and the King] (Éditions du Rocher). This veteran member of GRECE writes for Nation européenne, an organ of the nationalist-revolutionary movement Jeune Europe. It is this organization, with a neo-fascist tinge and violently anti-Israeli, which arose out of the first European militant to die in the ranks of the Fatah; and let us not forget the recurrent visits of the Austrian Jorg Haïder to Baghdad. Let us also remark that other currents of the European extreme right made rendezvous n Baghdad in February of 2003, notably the old militants of GUD (Groupe Union Défense, a French neo-Nazi student movement); commentators of the Italian daily Rinascita, come there to demonstrate before the seat of the UN inspectors in Baghdad; the Spanish Movimiento Social Republicano; and even a radical French network (once called Unité radicale, a small group dissolved after the attack committed by one of its members, Maxime Brunerie, against Jacques Chirac on July 14, 2002). Denouncing in a chorus the “imperialist aggression in Iraq”, these organizations tried to underscore “the important points of convergence between the Baathist ideology and revolutionary nationalism”. See “Des soutiens d'extrême droite pour Saddam Hussein”, Actualité Juive, February 13, 2003. (13) See the site of David Myatt: (14) A member of the national-socialist party of the SS, protegé of Alfred Rosenberg, Johannes Von Leers became a personal friend of the Mufti of Jerusalem. Cf. Patrice Chairoff, Dossier néo-nazisme, Ramsay, 1977, p. 450. (15) Christian Bouchet, “Pourquoi avoir créé Unité Radicale”, an article on the old site d’Unité radicale, now closed down. (16) Il musulmano, January-February 1994. (17) Cf. Vouloir (review of Belgian geopolitics with affinity to the New Right), numéro spécial islam, July 1992. René Guénon, a traditionalist philosopher converted to Islam, has been a major inspiration for converts and apologists of radical Islamism at the heart of the European extreme right. (18) See the work of Christophe Bourseiller, La nouvelle extrême-droite. Op. cit. (19) Cf. Alexandre del Valle, Le Totalitarisme islamiste à l’assaut des démocraties, Paris, Syrtes, 2003. (20) Troy Southgate, interview in English in the journal W.O.T.A.N, N°10, February 1997. See also W.O.T.A.N on the Internet : (21) An expert in martial arts and commando operations, Myatt is the author of many terrorism manuals. (22) “Il ruolo del nazista Ahmed Huber”, Corriere della Sera, November 25, 2001. (23) Bertrand Russell, Theory and practice of Bolshevism, London, 1979, pp., 5-29-114 [sic: as it appears in the French original]. (24) Carlos, in Jean Michel Vernochet, op. cit., p. 92. (25) “Carlos : Les Américains, Ben Laden et moi”, Jeune Afrique, N°1966, September 15-21, 1998. (26) Confessional communiqué of the assassination of Massimo D’Antona, March 22, 2003. Nadia Desdemona Lioce was arrested on March 2, 2003, after a shoot-out on the Rome-Florence train and wrote this text in prison. (27) Ibid. (28) La Repubblica, March 25, 2003. (29) Text cited in: “Extrême gauche et islamisme : du rejet à la compréhension” [“The extreme left and Islamism: from rejection to understanding”], Actualité Juive, February 13, 2003. (30) Cf. the work of Pierre-André Taguieff, La nouvelle judéophobie, 2002; Emmanuel Brenner, Les territoires perdus de la République, Mille et une nuits, 2002; Shmuel Trigano, L’ébranlement d’Israël, Seuil, 2002. (31) Cf. “Comment les jeunes beurs sont gagnés par la judéophobie” [“How young Muslim immigrants are won over by Judeophobia”], Le Monde, April 12, 2001. (32) Despite a polemic set in motion at the heart of the movement ATTAC, which steers the FSE, Ramadan has finally been integrated into the movement and animated, on the morning of November 15 at Évry, a round table of the European Social Forum dedicated to “Islamophobia”. (33) Edited in France by Fallois. (34) In homage to the Muslim martyrs and the pagan neo-Nazi milieus, Carlos wrote to the latter, shortly before his death on March 18, 1995, from his prison cell at de la Santé in Paris: “If ever we see each other again, we will attain the Valhalla of the revolutionaries and we will partake of the moments of complicity with our dearly departed martyrs” (Valhalla being the paradise of the Vikings referenced by the Nazi ideologues). (35) See the site (36) Ernst Zündel is tied to Ditlieb Felderer in Sweden and to Robert Faurisson in France. Both supported him during his trial for revisionism and incitement of racial hatred in January of 1995. (37) Born in 1941, Ditlieb Felderer, alias Wiliam Clover, is one of the commentators of the Journal of Historical Review, based in California. In Sweden, he edits an anti-Semitic periodical, Jewish Information. (38) Ibid. (39) In the review Vieille Taupe, the revisionist editor Pierre Guillaume explains, under the explicit title “Contre la Guerre impérialiste américaine et le bellicisme sioniste” [“Against the American imperialist War and Zionist warmongering”], that the American war in Iraq is the “result of a Zionist conspiracy” and that one finds among the organizers of the ceremony of August 2002 commemorating the deportation to Auschwitz of thousands of Jews of France “these same fanatical Zionist personalities who have militated in favor of the first Gulf War (1991) [and who] today support the monstrous projects of George W. Bush of the occupation of Iraq which could set off a Third World War”. Cf. “Contribution à la définition de l’unité des programmes révolutionnaires”, Circle of latter-day Zimmerwaldians et Kienthalians, Vieille Taupe, January 2003. (40) On the occasion of the first Gulf War, Robert Faurisson wrote to the rector of the mosque of Paris at the time, Tedjini Haddam, to express to him his “support for the Arab people oppressed by American-Zionist imperialism” as well as for the ambassador of Iraq. He appended to his letter the first issue of the revisionist Revue d’Histoire (which contained an article by the Tunisian Mondher Sfar, author of The Judeo-Nazi Manifesto of Ariel Sharon, 2001), as well as a declaration to be signed by intellectuals and responsible Muslims. Faurisson assures that he is “sensible to the particularly tragic ordeal suffered by Iraq”, as well as to the lot of “all the peoples of the Arab-Muslim world […] with the exception perhaps of the Jewish community, in Israel and outside Israel, who have agitated so much in order that this war should break out”, in a letter sent to the ambassador of Iraq, January 18 of 1991, from the revisionist site Aaargh : (41) Cf. Le Monde, February 18, 1998. (42) Cf. Libération, February 16, 1998. (43) Cited in Valérie Igounet, Histoire du négationnisme, p. 481. (44) In France, a Francophone Shiite Islamic publication, financed by Teheran, Le Message de l’islam, took the defensive: “Garaudy has never questioned the existence of the gas chambers; the Zionists take by that a vicious action against Garaudy, for the only thing the author contests is the number of Jews exterminated”, June 1996, p. 21. (45) Limonov was condemned in February of 2003 in Moscow to 14 years of confinement for “preparation for terrorism, calling for a coup d’état, and the attempt to form armed groups”, Le Monde, February 3, 2003. (46) See the European site of the “national-Bolshevik” movement: (47) Alexandre Douguine, Géographie de la victoire : fondements pour une géopolitique propre à la Russie, Evrazia, Moscow, 1997. The majority of Eurasians oppose the Occidentalist politics

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